The rather strange confluence of COVID-19 closing campuses while the Black Lives Matter movement grew in prominence left higher education out of the headlines during the summer. Especially with many journalists noting the parallels that can be made in BLM protests to the civil rights protests of the 1950s and anti-war protests of the 1960s, not seeing protests on university campuses seemed odd.
Some educators prepared strategies and devised programs to
respond to the Black Lives Matter movement ahead of students' return to campus. Based on the racial crisis at the University of Missouri in 2015, researchers indicate that a "
Collective Trauma Recovery" approach is needed to respond to the emotional trauma that can occur when racial tensions arise. Others advocated a "
Trauma-informed" approach to the mental health deterioration that Black students often experience.
James M. Thomas warned in an interview about his book,
Diversity Regimes: Why Talk is not Enough to Fix Racial Inequality at Universities (Rutgers University Press), that when students return to campus, "Colleges and universities should expect conflict, plain and simple. A not-insignificant number of our minority students will have actively participated in the protests themselves" and will likely seek to bring their concerns back with them.
One of the challenges to moving forward with anti-racism work is the challenge from conservatives who view these actions as discriminating against them. The student who wore a "
White Lives Matter" mask to his student government inauguration at Wichita State University is one kind of protest. Trump's mandate that diversity training in federal agencies cease fed this narrative and
some campuses began to change or discontinue their diversity and inclusion programs, although the specifics of
Trump's mandate is anything but clear.
Trump officials later clarified that training "designed to inform workers, or foster discussion, about pre-conceptions, opinions, or stereotypes that people - regardless of their race or sex - may have regarding people who are different, which could influence a worker's conduct or speech and be perceived by others as offensive" was acceptable. However, when Princeton University's President restated a commitment to continuing its efforts to address systemic racism, the
U.S. Department of Education responded that the statement was a "'serious, even shocking' admission, which 'compel[led] the Department to move with all appropriate speed" in their investigation of the University. Trump's mandate persisted even after President Biden rescinded it, leaving some institutions (
Boise State) and states (
Iowa) in a quandary about what to do.
Higher education has generally stood for freedom of thought and expression, which is core to most liberal arts/education models. However,
not all students feel safe engaging with others about controversial topics, which may or may not be a result of the campus environment. Examples of conservative students targeting professors who they view as liberal have increased with the founding of
Turning Point USA in 2012 by
Charlie Kirk, the lead-off speaker for the 2020 Republic National Convention. Turning Point has done everything from forming the "Professor Watchlist" to advocating that donors cease to support "liberal" colleges. While claiming to keep expression open, Kirk's rhetoric, characteristic if staunch conservatives, emboldens those who seek to intimidate and harass scholars. An example is a professor at
Washington & Lee in Virginia whose course gained national attention in conservative media, resulting in hostility and threats toward him.
Steven Mintz' review of
Mathew Johnson's Undermining Racial Justice criticized senior administrators in elite liberal arts institutions for perpetuating racism through their actions. "...senior administrators had two overarching goals: To transform the campus into a true multiracial community, while doing nothing that might endanger the campus' elite status or undermine selectivity, merit, and qualifications in admissions. By portraying the university as a victim of a racist and inequitable society, which bore responsibility for the campus' racial disparities, and by creating a host of offices directed by Black staff members, the university's leadership sought to coop and channel pressure for radical change and prevent student activists from disrupting institutional priorities." Such a critique highlights the difficulty of striving for authentic change that goes beyond surface accommodations in racial justice work.
Unfortunately, reactions to protest can be very divisive as is the case when
President Shapiro of Northwestern University berated demonstrators who reportedly had attempted to get the University's attention for weeks and then resorted to more violent means. Angered by Shapiro's response,
organizers of the protest asserted, "Morty does not have the knowledge, tools, or desire to engage with our demands or to address the needs of Black students. He double down on his anti-Black email, refused to abolish NUPD or to engage with us directly." This specific example reflects what can happen when an institution may not have prepared nor taken seriously the angst that students, faculty, and staff feel around issues of racial injustice.
The BLM movement grew more intense when Jacob Blake was shot in the back seven times during an attempted arrest in Kenosha, Wisconsin. Armed militia entered the picture with a 17 year old using a rifle to kill two demonstrators, adding even greater weight to the original shooting of Blake. This unfolded during the four days of the Republican National Convention, resulting in President Trump and multiple speakers calling for "law and order."
Van Jones, former Obama White House staffer, warned about the rhetoric being used by VP Pence and Trump and encouraged greater attention to the three dimensions of the crisis: 1) police brutality toward people of color, 2) high-jacking of peaceful protest by agitators, and 3) white supremacist vigilantes who are emboldened by talk of threats to the "American way of life."